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New York Times Bestseller (Education)
The Economist Best Books of the Year Selection
In this revealing and provocative memoir, the former chancellor of the New York City schools offers the behind-the-scenes story of the city’s dramatic campaign to improve public education and an inspiring blueprint for national reform.
In 2002 New York City’s newly elected mayor, Michael Bloomberg, made a historic announcement: his administration had won control of the city’s school system in a first step toward reversing its precipitous decline. In a controversial move, he appointed Joel Klein, an accomplished lawyer from outside the education establishment, to lead this ambitious campaign.
Lessons of Hope is Klein’s inside account of his eight-year mission of improvement: demanding accountability, eliminating political favoritism, and battling a powerful teachers union that seemed determined to protect a status quo that didn’t work for kids. Klein’s initiatives resulted in more school choice, higher graduation rates, and improved test scores. The New York City model is now seen as a national standard for meaningful school reform. But the journey was not easy. Klein faced resistance and conflict at every turn.
Lessons of Hope lays bare the problems plaguing public education and shows how they can be solved. At its core lies Klein’s personal story: his humble upbringing in Brooklyn and Queens, and the key role that outstanding public school teachers played in nurturing his success. Engaging and illuminating, Lessons of Hope is essential reading for anyone concerned about the future of American public education.
- Sales Rank: #594650 in Books
- Published on: 2014-11-04
- Released on: 2014-11-04
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.00" h x 1.05" w x 6.00" l, .0 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 320 pages
Review
Lessons of Hope is part memoir, part blueprint for reviving public education, as Joel Klein takes us inside the dramatic struggle to turn around the New York City school system. (Arianna Huffington)
“Joel Klein’s grasp of how critically linked a child’s education is to his or her success in life, and what that means for the future of America, make this book a great and important read.” (former Florida Governor Jeb Bush)
Joel Klein has emerged from the bureaucracy to tell in personal, vivid detail what happened when he and his colleagues attempted to transform the country’s largest school system. (Amanda Ripley, bestselling author of The Smartest Kids in the World)
A book that is inspiring as it is informative about the state of modern education. I hope every parent and teacher in the U.S. reads it. (Stephen J. Dubner, co-author of the "Freakonomics" series and host of Freakonomics Radio)
Lessons of Hope is a bracing reminder of the need to improve America’s schools so we can deliver on the promise of a great education for everyone. (Bill Gates)
This important book is of great value for families making decisions about schools and for policymakers and advocates who are determined to improve our nation’s systems of schools. (Senator Cory A. Booker)
“Lessons of Hope is often a compelling account of how determined leadership can remove obstacles to change, and Klein offers a strong defense of his work as an effective leader of reform.” (Daily Beast)
“Anyone interested in improving public school systems and learning about the Orwellian nature of contemporary political discourse should read Joel Klein’s Lessons of Hope. (Center on Reinventing Public Education)
“Lessons of Hope is unique in the education reform genre, joined perhaps only by Steve Brill’s Class Warfare.The education space is full of policy wonks, but it’s rare to get such insight from the inner trenches of the political battles fought to implement that policy.” (Huffington Post)
About the Author
Joel Klein served as chancellor of the New York City Department of Education from 2002 to 2011. Earlier in his career, he served as U.S. assistant attorney general in charge of the Antitrust Division of the U.S. Department of Justice, deputy White House counsel during the Clinton administration, and CEO of the U.S. headquarters of Bertelsmann. He currently serves as executive vice president at News Corporation and CEO of its education division, Amplify. He lives in New York City with his wife, Nicole Seligman.
Most helpful customer reviews
4 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Radical reforms that bring new hope to our schools
By Another avid reader
Klein's "Lesson of Hope" is definitely not the work of some ivory-tower academic. Rather, he is an "outsider" who sought to address our school's major problems starting from ground zero. School should not be a place where discipline takes up more teacher resources than teaching (though this is often the case.) He discusses what problems he sought to address, and how he did so, to turn schools around from stultifying places, to a place to which students look forward to going.
He addresses frequently cited excuses for poor educational quality (such as lack of money) and presents viable solutions.
For an example of a school that did not work and where discipline was enforced by fear, take a look at Linton Hall Military School Memories: One Cadet's Memoir
9 of 13 people found the following review helpful.
Lessons of NOPE!
By Kathy
This is a powerful and honest book written by a very brave, steadfast and heroic man about his decade spent trying to help poor children in New York City to get a decent education. He chronicles how he tried to reform the broken bureaucracy and how he eliminated the corrupt community school boards. He admits he didn't know enough about curriculum soon enough to do the right thing in that area. And that the teachers unions blocked him all the way.
Then he left and the teachers union took over the system again very quickly. Except now parents have expectations for choice and quality in education. Too bad for them, unless they get into a charter school, Klein's primary legacy, or a magnet or special school that you have to test into. The unions plan to get rid of them too, all schools should be equally bad, in their view, that is fairness.
21 of 31 people found the following review helpful.
'Everybody Deserves a Good Education' - Joel Klein
By Loyd Eskildson
'Lessons of Hope' Joel Klein is former Chancellor of the New York City schools. In its account, Klein details a very helpful 'how-I-did-it' of his efforts to improve a system more determined to protect status quo than helping children.
He begins with an overview of the problem. School reform is tough in America - even though the status quo is irreparably broken, it has many defenders who will fiercely resist change. Today's high-school graduates perform no better than students who graduated 40 years ago, and when compared with students in other industrialized countries, ours are in the middle levels in reading and science, and near the bottom rung in math. Many blame our poor performance on kids coming from poor and challenged backgrounds - however, our middle-class and wealthy students are underperforming as well - compared with kids in countries that do a good job in education.
Defenders of the status quo argue that "You'll never fix education in America until you fix poverty." Klein, however, believes the opposite - "We'll never fix poverty until we fix education," and draws upon the records of eg. Success Academy charter schools in poor, minority areas of New York City that perform at the same level as the best schools in the wealthiest communities in New York state to further demonstrate that poverty is not a valid excuse. Klein contends that "After 50 years of LBJ's War on Poverty we need new approaches.
When Klein took over, he was astonished to find that some kids could barely read the words on a page, let alone understand the material. Standards varied from one school to another - meaningless overall.
Klein sees school systems in America as government-run monopolies dominated by unions and political interests and not subject to the kinds of accountability and competitive incentives that breed successful organizations. Steve Jobs compared public schools to the old AT&T phone monopoly: "I remember seeing a bumper sticker with the Bell logo on it and it said, 'We don't care. We don't have to care.'" Albert Shanker stated: "It's time to admit that public education operates like a planned economy, a bureaucratic system in which everyone's role is spelled out in advance and there are few incentives for innovation and productivity. There's no surprise that our school system doesn't improve. It more resembles the communist economy than our market economy."
The quaint notion that communities should control their kids' education - long a hobby horse of conservatives who fear anything originating from the federal government - has led neither to active citizen involvement nor real experimentation at the local level. Instead, it has produced a multitude of small, balkanized fiefdoms, easily controlled by special interests with political expertise. As a result, we have almost 14,000 separate school districts - all reinventing the wheel and practicing precious little innovation, even though many are obviously doing a poor job. The powerful forces protecting the status quo in one community are doing the same in all others, perpetuating failure across the nation.
Author Klein had control of New York City's schools for eight years. He took 32 highly-politicized and disparate districts in New York City, each doing their own thing, and centralized control. District offices were dismantled, local school boards abolished, and citywide reading and math curricula were established. He then began creating choices - the process began with shutting down dozens of failing high schools and replacing them with hundreds of new smaller schools. He also expanded charter schools - with over 100 opening during his tenure. Policies and programs empowering principals to be real leaders, rather than puppets of the bureaucracy, were established. Excellent principals were recruited, trained, and allowed to then hire teachers, make budget decisions, etc. Those new local leaders were also held accountable for achieving performance targets based on pupil progress. Finally, Klein and his team gave some 200+ schools additional funding so they could try new ways.
Social promotions were ended - part of Klein's effort to stop pretending, face reality. Klein began with ending such out of 3rd-grade - the transition point from 'learning to read,' to 'reading to learn.' After implementing a summer-school program in advance of the first year's implementation, the number held-back was only about one-third the 16,000 originally estimated. In subsequent year, social promotions were also ended out of grades 4 - 8.
Klein hired about 1,000 teachers without certification from Michelle Rhee's 'New Teacher Project,' and a number of others from Teach For America. Overall, about 25% of new teachers came from these sources.
Klein's primary foe was the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) and its 1,000 page contract, and he regrets not having better explained to teachers why their union work rules were harming their profession - eg. rules against tutoring children during lunch, opposing any accountability, allowing incompetent teachers to continue in the classroom, banning the collection of data for identifying superior teachers. Half of job openings could be claimed by veteran teachers solely on the basis of their seniority - many had been 'excessed' by other schools, leading to an annual 'dance of the lemons' in which they chose new positions. Hundreds of teachers accused of serious violations were housed in 'rubber rooms' while awaiting the outcome of a long arbitration process. Since the UFT had veto-power over arbitrators chosen, only 12 were terminated for incompetence between 1997 - 2007. Firing a teacher took an average 2.5 years and $300,000. The UFT had almost 200,000 members, including 80,000 teachers and lots of dues money for experts, publicity, etc. Klein did draw upon former union president Albert Shanker, who four years before his death admitted 'In our system, we have a large number of teachers who have not reached even very low levels of literacy and numeracy.'
Principals couldn't hire/fire their own assistants. Klein gave them that authority, and established a Leadership Academy for principals, using a $15 million grant. Learning that he had the regulatory authority to dismiss any principal with a record of 'persistent educational failure,' Klein decided to use it to fire the 50 worst within a year's time (about 4% of the total). A small Executive Advisory Board was created, made up of management and education experts, with Jack Welch as head. Welch advocated setting goals, providing support and feedback, and carefully measuring results, as well as principals envisioning themselves not just as 'instructional leaders,' but leaders of everything.
Normal attrition for principals allowed installing new leaders in over 200 positions/year; Klein's group also created about 50/year additional vacancies via adding new schools and terminating non-performers. Prior to Klein, nobody could recall a single principal being dismissed for incompetence - only a few for committing serous crimes or demonstrating appalling dereliction of duty. A large proportion of the new principals came from the Leadership Academy. Klein sent out a 'Principals' Weekly' e-mail that updated them on policy and strategy.
Non-performing high-schools was accomplished by eliminating one grade at a time, while opening 4 - 6 smaller schools in their place and ramping them up one grade at a time. Each of these new schools were 'choice' schools, rather than the traditional 'zoned' schools. New schools usually were limited to 400 pupils - giving the principal about 25 teachers to support and monitor. A match system akin to that used for medical residencies was used to assign pupils to schools - students were allowed to list up to 12 schools, in descending order of preference, and the schools selected pupils per criteria such as grades, geographic preferences, lotteries.
The 2005 UFT contract brought some relief - principals could now require teachers to take hallway duty during class changes (previously these transitions were chaotic), he was able to pay $10,000 extra to 'Master Teachers' (a small step towards merit pay), and reduce seniority rights. However, when teachers couldn't be placed in a school, they still couldn't be fired - this created a surplus of about 1,000 teachers (costing over $100 million/year) used as substitutes. After Klein took over, significantly fewer teachers were given tenure after three years (only about half the former number) - the rest took 1 - 3 years more, and some never made it.
His second major opponent was Diane Ravitch, once a strong support of reform. Klein contends her conversion was simply retribution after he refused to hire her partner for a principal-training program. (I doubt this explanation - Ravitch has sustained her antagonism to reform too long and too intently for that explanation to hold much water.)
When Bloomberg came into office, only 42% of grade-school students were proficient in reading, 31% in math. Less than half graduated from high-school in four years - unchanged for at least a decade. About 2,000 violent crimes occurred in the schools in the year before Bloomberg took office, 9% of math teachers had failed at least four attempts to get a passing grade of 60% on a math certification test, and lots of teachers taught subjects they weren't licensed or expert in. Forty-one percent of buildings reported major plumbing problems, half lacked Internet access.
Prior to his school beginning in his first year, Klein met with Anthony Alvarado - former NYC Chancellor, then undertaking reform efforts in San Diego. The old central Board of Education was replaced by a Panel for Educational Policy - an advisory group with limited power, with 8 members appointed by the mayor who served at his pleasure, with five others appointed by each of the borough presidents. Less than six months after Klein took over, local school boards were eliminated and their powers consolidated in the mayor's office. A new teacher contract traded 100 minutes more work/week for a big pay increase.
The best schools (about 20%, per test data) were given greater flexibility in curriculum choices. Principals whose schools met pupil goals (they chose, subject to approval, were excused from attending most regional and Education Department meetings, as well as from writing most routine reports. Accountability measures includes test scores, attendance, and safety; high-school also had graduation and college acceptance goals. The first year, 25 of the original 29 Autonomy Zone principals met their goal, the rest in the 2nd year. In the second year, the program was expanded to 49 schools, and 300 (all that applied) by 2006.
Charters such as KIPP were encouraged - there, teachers worked three hours/day more and the student day was 7:30 A.M. - 5 P.M., with activities also on Saturday. Charters were concentrated in high-poverty areas, and the first space was obtained from space freed up by closing former district offices. During Bloomberg's tenure, the city opened over 150 charters - yet, waiting lists still ran into the tens of thousands of names each year. Later this was expanded to space released by closing non-performing schools. Klein decided to work only with non-profit charters - to assuage the fear of profiteering.
Another important lesson - Klein et al learned/were warned that African-Americans were prone to distrust of school reform efforts, believing racism underlay the rationale and decision-making. Therefore he was careful to ensure that African-American leaders and pupils clearly benefitted.
Klein began his day by spending about two hours reading and responding to hundreds of emails - this kept him aware of what was going on, and built confidence in the system for those who had contacted him. He also attended several community and school events each week, and often attended events at local churches. Klein also met monthly with about 25 student leaders from around the city - discussion questions included 'How many of your teachers are good?' 'Are there active gangs in your school?' 'How well are you being prepared for college?'
Overall, Klein's long-term goal was to create a 'Community of Learners' - students, teachers, principals, support staff, and parents continually seeking new knowledge. That, however, required effective accountability and useful data. Klein had problems achieving that.
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